[ndlr] L’analyse du chercheur australien Carlyle Thayer sur le rôle de Président de la RSVN cumulé avec celui de Secrétaire général du PCV. Document édité par Thayer Consultancy, 4 octobre 2018.
Vietnam is a one-party state led by the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV). The most
senior members of the Politburo hold the four top party-state leadership posts:
Secretary General of the CPV, State President, Prime Minister and Chair of the
National Assembly Standing Committee. Ministers and their equivalent rank in
Cabinet are invariably members of the CPV Central Committee. Every ministry and
government agency, the people’s armed forces, and mass organisation has an internal
The decision by the eighth executive session, or plenum, of the CPV Central Committee to nominate Nguyen Phu Trong to simultaneously hold the posts of party Secretary General and State President will weaken if not erode the informal system of checks and balances that has been in place since the adoption of the 1992 Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
[ndlr] L’AFP confirme ce que les observateurs attentifs prédisaient : l’actuel secrétaire général du parti communiste vietnamien est désigné pour cumuler sa fonction avec celle de président de la République socialiste du Viêt-Nam sur le modèle de son homologue chinois. A lire dans L’Express et sur les médias vietnamiens.
Hanoï – Le secrétaire général du Parti communiste vietnamien
Nguyen Phu Trong, un tenant de la ligne dure, devrait prochainement
devenir le président de son pays et ainsi être le premier à cumuler ces
deux postes depuis Ho Chi Minh, père de l’indépendance.
Nguyen Phu Trong, 74 ans, connu pour être un conservateur ayant orchestré une lutte à la fois contre la corruption qui a conduit en prison des dizaines d’anciens responsables politiques, banquiers et autres cadres, et contre les dissidents, a en effet été investi mercredi par la direction du PCV, le parti unique, seul candidat pour les fonctions de chef de l’État. […]
Le parlement doit en effet entériner sa nomination au cours de la session qui s’ouvre le 22 octobre. […]
Nguyen Phu Trong “sera l’homme le plus puissant de l’histoire du Vietnam après Ho Chi Minh (mort en 1969) et l’ancien chef du parti (de 1960 à son décès en 1986) Le Duan“, a dit à l’AFP Tran Vu Hai, un expert en sciences politiques.
David Hutt, “All of Vietnam’s power is in Trong’s hands,” Asia Times, 04/10/2018. Communist Party General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong is set to assume the presidency, an unprecedented consolidation of power that could make him the Xi Jinping of Vietnam.
Thanh Phuong, “Việt Nam : Tổng bí thư Nguyễn Phú Trọng sẽ kiêm chủ tịch nước,” RFI, 03/10/2018. Theo tin từ báo chí trong nước, chiều nay, 03/10/2018, Văn phòng Trung ương Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam vừa thông báo là Hội nghị lần thứ 8 Ban Chấp hành Trung ương với tỷ lệ phiếu thuận 100% đã quyết định « giới thiệu » tổng bí thư đảng Nguyễn Phú Trọng để Quốc Hội Việt Nam bầu vào chức chủ tịch nước.
Rappel de la biographie de Nguyen Phu Trong sur la BBC et du débat sur le cumul des mandats de l’État-Parti, programme en vietnamien (3 premières minutes) :
Sur les médias d’opposition en ligne, le 100% des voix du Comité exécutif du 8e Plenum provoque de multiples railleries. Sous le dessin suivant du caricaturiste Ba Bui, deux Nguyen Phu Trong sont mis en scène. Le premier déclinant ce qu’il avait déclaré à la presse en mai 2015 : “Un secrétaire [du Parti] cumulant la présidence [de la RSVN] c’est beaucoup trop. Qui le contrôlera ?” La réplique virtuelle du seconde Nguyen Phu Trong, trois ans plus tard : “100 % parce J’AI aussi voté pour MOI !”.
Séance 3 : mercredi 10 octobre 2018 – salle de réunion de l’IAO
Les mémoires des dirigeants ne sont pas les seules à dresser le bilan de leur action politique. D’autres mémoires concurrentes s’inscrivent dans l’espace des “guerres de mémoires” pour dresser un contre-bilan de l’action des dirigeants de leur pays. Cette séance s’intéressera à ces mémoires “dissidentes” qui percutent la mémoire autorisée. Interdites à l’intérieur du pays, elles sont eu souvent un grand retentissement à l’extérieur comme le rappelle l’exemple des témoignages des dissidents de l’URSS. Dans certains cas, ces mémoires apparaissent moins comme un récit personnel et intime que l’occasion de proposer un récit critique et alternatif à l’histoire officielle.
Dans un second temps, à travers les lectures proposées nous revisiterons deux faits majeurs de l’histoire contemporaine du Viêt-Nam. La réforme agraire de 1953-1956 est exposée dans le regard critique de Bui Tin. L’ajournement d’une réconciliation nationale après la guerre de réunification forme la trame du récit de Doan Van Toai, ancien étudiant proche du Front national de libération du Sud Viêt-Nam. La mémoire et l’oubli seront donc au cœur de cette séance.
Textes étudiés :
Bui Tin, 1945-1999 Vietnam, la face cachée du régime, Paris, Éditions Kergour, 1999, chapitre II : “Réformes”.
Doan Van Toai, “The Lament for Vietnam”, The New York Times, 29 mars 1981. Article archivé en ligne sur le site du NYT.
Autres récits dissidents évoqués au cours de la séance :
Bong-Wright, Jackie, Autumn Cloud. From Vietnamese War Widow to American Activist, Sertling, VA : Capital Books, 2001.
Bui Diem (avec David Chanoff), In the jaws of history, Bloomington, Ind. : Indiana University Press, 1999. Edité une première fois en 1987 (Boston, Houghton Mifflin), puis édité en vietnamien en 2000 (Pham Quang Khai XB).
Hoàng Văn Hoan, Giọt nước trong biển cả (Hồi ký cách mạng) [Une goutte d’eau dans l’océan, (mémoires de la révolution)], Portland, Or. : Nhóm tìm hiểu lịch sử, 1991. Texte mis et ligne en 2005 et archivé sur le site Talawas. Notice biographique Wikipedia VN.
Nguyen Manh Tuong, Un excommunié. Hanoi 1954-1991 : procès d’un intellectuel, Paris, Quê Me, 1992. Présentation sur Mémoires d’Indochine.
Thích Thiện Minh, Hồi ký hai mươi sáu năm lưu đày dưới chế độ cộng sản Việt Nam của Thích Thiện Minh [Mémoires de 26 ans d’exil sous le régime communiste vietnamien], s.l., Hội Ái Hữu Tù Nhân Chính Trị Tôn Giáo Việt Nam, Phật lịch 2550 . Traduit et publié en anglais sous le titre : Memoirs of 26 years in exile in communist Viet Nam, Charleston, SC : Viet Nam Today, 2015.
Tô Hải, Hồi ký của một thằng hèn [Mémoires d’un lâche], Fall Church, VA : Tủ sách Tiếng Quê Hương, 2009. A memoir of ex-communist Vietnamese musician Tô Hải. Présentation succincte sur Mémoires d’Indochine.
Trần Đĩnh, Đèn cù : số phận Việt Nam dưới chế độ cộng sản. Tự truyện của người từng viết tiểu sử Hồ Chí Minh [La lanterne imagée : le sort du Viêt-Nam sous le régime communiste. Autobiographie d’une personne qui a auparavant écrit une biographie de Hô Chi Minh], USA : Người Việt Books, 2014, 2 vol. Notice Wikipedia VN.
Truong Nhu Tang (avec David Chanoff et Doan Van Toai), Mémoires d’un Vietcong, Paris, Flammarion, 1986. Traduit de l’américain : A Vietcong Memoir, New York : Vintage Books, 1986.
Vu Thu Hiên, Đêm giữa ban ngày : hôi ký chính trị của một người không làm chính trị [La nuit en plein jour, mémoires politiques d’un homme qui ne fait pas de politique], Westminster, CA : Văn Nghệ, 1997. Extrait traduit dans Georges Boudarel & Nguyen Van Ky, Hanoi 1936-1996 : du drapeau rouge au billet vert, Paris, Autrement, 1997. Voir aussi : Vincent Hugueux, “Viêtnam : la nuit en plein jour entretien avec Vu Thu Hiên”, Politique internationale, 1997, n° 77, pp. 267-282.
Sur les auteurs des textes, à lire sur Mémoires d’Indochine :
Vietnamese people often tell their foreign visitors that Vietnam is the most secure place in the world. The country has no terrorists, no political disorder, and the police are second to none. Decades of devastating warfare are long-past. Poverty is declining and incomes are rising in a region with good economic prospects. People in Vietnam appear to fling themselves at life’s everyday challenges with intensity and no little optimism.
But Vietnamese today are questioning ends and means, particularly as they relate to human security; they thirst for transparency and reliable ways to assert control over life. In the country and the city, in material, ideological and psychological realms, and at local, national and regional scales, the ability to feel secure is slipping away. This leads to high system maintenance costs and exhaustion as people exert themselves to amass the means and the trust they require to obtain existential security. Increasingly, questions are being asked as to whether life might be lived in a better way.
This Vietnam Update is dedicated to exploring the politics of life in Vietnam. The organisers call for original research papers that address the following sets of questions:
For many Vietnamese, the most significant risks to life come from their own region as neighbours stake claims and leverage power asymmetries in ways perceived to be detrimental to the very existence of the country. Doubts about co-ordinating mutual security through ASEAN co-exist with concerns about the merits of rapprochement with America. Preoccupations with China manifest in anxieties about encirclement, infiltration, collusion, manipulation and incitement. How are such anxieties given voice and how does the government respond? Online criticisms and protests by activists are met with repression, but throughout the country – both within the government and beyond – debate rages about how to secure the nation. One of the deepest questions is: who is to be trusted with the nation’s security?
The recent censure and demotion of high level leaders for misconduct or poor performance attests to the openly competitive nature of political power. Party leaders continue to warn about the threats posed by ideological and moral degradation, but are there indications that leaders are being selected according to new standards of meritocratic governance? It has become conventional to tie political outcomes to factional power struggles or a contest over the spoils of patronage but to what extent does politics represent a contest between alternative visions for how the country should be governed and how life is to be lived?
Capitalist market relations are central to gaining access to basic life needs formerly obtained through government programs, state enterprises and co-operatives, or via family, community or customary economies. Market logics influence the supply of housing, land, food, healthcare and education, and most government services attract formal or informal user fees. The pursuit of market efficiencies is linked to precarious livelihoods, indebtedness, and widening social disparities. How are such processes experienced and debated within Vietnamese society? Are there attempts to push back against or mitigate the commoditisation of life?
Technology, industry, science and new production and exchange systems have unleashed material plenty and improved life for tens of millions of people. However, doubts about the benefits of headlong modernisation appear in concerns about the harm done by chemical effluents, carcinogens, pesticides and unsafe food, along with urban expansion, traffic chaos and unsafe workplaces. Agrarian intensification, agricultural commoditisation and land concentration have increased productivity but also engender livelihood insecurities and pose existential threats to rural communities and customary ways of life. In what ways are citizens suturing gaps and controlling such risks through mutual assistance, security from below, or deliberative modes of living and being?
For a number of Vietnamese, the material, spiritual and psychological strains of modern life are such that a retreat into simpler modes of living, equated with the past, offers an appealing alternative. At the same time, tradition is blamed for ills as diverse as corruption, excessive drinking, age, gender and ethnic hierarchies, and doctrinaire thinking. As youths study abroad and gain exposure to the cultures of the world, many are led to wonder: what values and institutions work? Do Vietnamese need a state religion, a prescribed traditional or ‘Western’ culture, civics lessons, or democracy to have the means to obtain security and hold each-other to account?
One of the most intriguing developments in the politics of life come from networks of activists who use media, community affiliations and ties to government insiders and resources to vocally and persistently oppose official development projects, land confiscations and foreign investments considered harmful to human wellbeing. Recent actions range from social media campaigns to sit-ins, flash demonstrations, and the capture of public officials by frustrated villagers. In this workshop we are interested to explore whether the politics of material security represents a singular domain in which citizens may significantly oppose or influence government decisions and development directions through engaging in overt political action perhaps in ways not seen previously in Vietnam.
The organisers are seeking proposals for papers on these themes to be presented at a conference to be held at the ANU, Canberra on 20-21 November 2017.
Interested contributors should send their proposals and a one page CV to Philip Taylor by 20 June 2017. Email: Philip.email@example.com
Each proposal should be no longer than 600 words. The proposal should outline how the paper relates to the issues highlighted in the above sets of questions and the kind of research the paper will be based on. Preference will be given to papers that promise a rich analysis and have an interdisciplinary dimension. The conference organisers will then decide which proposals to accept. We will then extend invitations to the authors of the selected proposals to prepare and present their papers to the conference. The organisers also reserve the right to solicit papers, if necessary, from individuals who did not submit proposals.
Funding for travel and accommodation is available and details will be discussed later with each paper presenter.
The paper itself should be submitted 30 days before the date of the conference.
The paper should not exceed 10,000 words and it should include appropriate bibliography and citations. Each paper should include an abstract of 250 words.
Presentation and Publication:
We envisage about twelve paper presentations during a two day workshop in Canberra on 20-21 November 2017. At the Update each author will have approximately 40 minutes to summarise what her/his paper argues and the evidence used.
The conference will also include presentations about recent political and economic developments in Vietnam.
Organisers request the right of first refusal with regards to publishing the accepted papers, which may be included, subject to any necessary revisions to meet publication requirements, in a refereed book or journal collection that we hope will be published within a year of the conference.
For more information on this Vietnam Update theme or questions about paper proposals please contact Philip Taylor (firstname.lastname@example.org).
Vietnam Update Committee: Huong Le Thu; Phuc To; Ashley Carruthers; Kim Huynh; David Marr; Tana Li; Benedict Kerkvliet; Sango Mahanty.
The Political Life and Tragic Death of Tran Van Van
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Ryan August Lawrence Nelson
Southeast Asian Studies
UW – Madison
6:00 PM, Thursday, April 4, 2013
Free and open to the public
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The chaotic political environment of the post-Ngo Dinh Diem assassination period of the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) remains an untapped resource for research, analysis, and interpretation. Between the time of Diem’s death in late-1963 and the country’s first open presidential election in 1967, various high-ranking generals in the RVN’s army orchestrated several coups and counter-coups against different civilian and military regimes. During this period of instability and democratic disruption a furious and complex political battle raged behind the scenes between the country’s leading civilian and military leaders over who would lead the nation and under what form of government. This contentious civilian-military dynamic, especially the defiant civilian politicians who opposed military rule, have been largely ignored by scholars, both Western and Vietnamese.
This paper remedies some of the deficiencies in the existing scholarly literature on the civilian-military divide and the more democratically-inclined civilian perspective by treating the political life and tragic death of the nation’s leading civilian political leader and military critic Tran Van Van. From 1965 until his tragic assassination in late-1966, Tran Van Van emerged as the main rival of Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky, the country’s flamboyant and authoritarian Prime Minister. This dichotomy between Van and Ky, perhaps more than any other political antagonism in the nation’s brief but complex history, best exemplifies the state of contentious differentiation among the RVN’s politically engaged leaders during the 1960s. First, this state of differentiation is dissected by comparing some of the major differences and sources of tension between Van and Ky and their inner circles. This will be followed by a chronological account of Van’s political life (1954 to 1966) which includes an analysis of the evidence relating to his assassination and its social and political consequences.