[ndlr] Annonce de la disparition de Gabriel Kolko, célèbre historien de la guerre et auteur d’ “Anatomie d’une guerre” un des premiers ouvrages clés sur le conflit vietnamien publié en 1985. Il poursuivit son investigation sur le Viêt-Nam avec “Anatomie d’une paix” publié en 1997.
Son ouvrage Anatomy of a war fut publié en deux volumes en vietnamien sous le titre de : Giải phẫu một cuộc chiến tranh. Việt Nam, Mỹ và kinh nghiệm lịch sử hiện đại.
We received word this morning that our friend and long-time CounterPunch writer Gabriel Kolko died yesterday at his home in Amsterdam. Kolko, author of The Triumph of Conservatism, Anatomy of a War: the United States, Vietnam and the Modern Historical Experience, and Century of War: Politics, Conflicts and Society Since 1914, was one of the pre-eminent historians of our time. Kolko was born in Paterson, New Jersey in 1932. He attended Kent State University and received his doctorate in history from Harvard. Along with Saul Landau, Kolko was one of the circle of historians trained at University of Wisconsin by the great William Appleman Williams. Kolko taught history for many years at York University in Toronto. He moved to Amsterdam soon after his retirement. Kolko’s books on the progressive era, the Cold War, Vietnam and the war on terror stand as some of the most trenchant and revealing documents of our time. For the past few years, Gabe had been working feverishly on an assessment of Vietnam in the decades after the war. Kolko had a profound influence on my thinking and it was a privilege to publish his writing over the last 15 years. A fuller appraisal of Kolko’s life and work is forthcoming.
M. Phạm Đăng Cảnh, de son nom de guerre Nhân, est décédé le 6 mai 2014 à 5h du matin à Rouen lieu de sa résidence en France à l’âge de 94 ans. Ce monsieur discret et secret était une figure importante du parti Dai Viet (Đại Việt Quốc Dân Đảng) au Sud. Sa disparition nous donne l’occasion de survoler l’histoire du parti et sa difficile survivance en exil.
Lorsqu’entre 1940 et 1945, Trương Tử Anh, le chef de cette organisation nationaliste révolutionnaire décida d’implanter une cellule dans le Sud du pays, il envoya cinq étudiants de Hanoi pour accomplir cette mission. Phạm Đăng Cảnh au même titre que Nguyễn Văn Hướng (Phạm Hữu Lễ) ou Nguyễn Văn Kiều (Nghĩa) fit partie de ce groupe pour une tâche qui s’avéra compliquée. Cảnh alias “Bảy Cảnh” s’efforça de développer le parti aux côtés de Hướng puis de Nguyễn Tôn Hoàn. Cependant, le ĐVQDĐ implosa à la suite de l’échec de l’Etat national de Bảo Đại qu’il avait au départ soutenu dans l’espoir de le contrôler. Les scissions internes, déjà apparentes dès 1951, furent évidentes en 1954 lorsque globalement le parti Đại Việt fut divisé entre trois factions régionales. Bảy Cảnh, originaire du Sud, fut fidèle à la faction sudiste dirigée par Nguyễn Tôn Hoàn.
Ces divisions perdurèrent alors que le parti fut mis hors-la-loi par le pouvoir diemiste entre 1955 et 1963. Ses principaux militants furent pourchassés ou jetés en prison ou encore exilés au Cambodge voisin et revinrent néanmoins en force sur la scène politique en 1964. La division profonde entre les différentes factions devait aboutir à la création de deux nouveaux partis issus de ses rangs. Le 14 novembre 1964, le Tân Đại Việt [Néo Dai Viet], rassemblant une partie des militants du Sud, fut créé sous l’égide de Nguyễn Ngọc Huy puis un an plus tard le Đại Việt Cách Mạng [Dai Viet révolutionnaire] vit à son tour le jour le 25 décembre 1965 sous la direction de Hà Thúc Ký rassemblant principalement les militants originaires du centre du pays. Cependant, le parti d’origine fondé par Trương Tử Anh (disparu en décembre 1946) continua sa route et Bảy Cảnh contribua à maintenir l’organisation sur pieds malgré les défections.
Les 11 et 12 octobre 1972, il présida le premier congrès du parti à Saigon. Bien qu’éclaté en plusieurs factions se réclamant toutes de l’héritage du fondateur Trương Tử Anh et de sa doctrine de combat “La survivance du peuple” (Chủ nghĩa dân tộc sinh tồn), les partisans du Đại Việt restèrent très actifs au Sud sous la République du Viêt-Nam (1967-1975). Plusieurs membres de cette mouvance furent députés ou sénateurs et elle bénéficia de soutiens importants dans l’armée (ARVN). Ce furent par exemple des officiers affiliés au Đại Việt qui tentèrent de renverser le pouvoir diemiste en 1960 et 1962. En outre, le quotidien Chính Luận [Opinions politiques], très influent au Sud à cette époque était dirigé par Đặng Văn Sung, également membre du Đại Việt depuis 1945.
La chute de Saigon intervenant, le ĐVQDĐ comme de nombreuses autres organisations nationalistes non communistes fut interdit et bon nombre de ces militants envoyés en camp de rééducation ou éliminés physiquement. Une longue période d’environ vingt ans sépare le démantèlement de l’organisation et sa reconstruction à l’étranger due en partie aux libérations de prisonniers politiques des camps communistes. A la faveur de regroupements familiaux autorisés ou lors de la mise en oeuvre du programme américain H.O. pour les anciens rééduqués, des membres du parti purent rejoindre la France mais surtout les Etats-Unis. En mai 1988, grâce à l’action de Nguyễn Ngọc Huy, les différentes factions se regroupèrent sous la première appellation d’origine Đại Việt Quốc Dân Đảng et la revue Đại Việt fut créée. Mais cette idylle fut de courte de durée car à la mort de Huy en juillet 1990, chaque faction reprit son propre chemin.
En 1995, lors du premier véritable congrès du parti en exil, Phạm Đăng Cảnh fut l’un des trois vice-présidents de l’organisation aux côtés de Trương Văn Nguyên et Duy Thắng. Il fut membre du Comité directeur du parti et conserva la place de vice-président de l’organisation lors des Journées Đại Việt de 1998 alors que le parti traversait une période de dissension interne. Le 19 septembre 2001, Nguyễn Tôn Hoàn, le chef du parti en exil devait décéder en Californie. Un nouveau congrès fut organisé en 2002 et Phạm Đăng Cảnh devint président de l’organisation pour la mandature 2002-2005. Cependant, le décès de Hoàn provoqua une profonde scission au sein du parti qui perdure jusqu’à aujourd’hui.
Alors âgé de 85 ans en 2005, Phạm Đăng Cảnh prit en quelque sorte sa retraite politique lors du congrès du parti des 16 et 17 avril de cette année-là. Triệu Thanh Sơn, un autre membre historique également très âgé, fut désigné chef du parti pour la mandature 2005-2009. Le bureau directeur connut alors de nouvelles dissensions internes et deux membres importants furent exclus du parti (Phan Văn Song et Trương Việt Hoàng). En 2009, à la suite de ces divisions le parti nationaliste réorganisa son Conseil directeur lors du 70e anniversaire de la création de l’organisation révolutionnaire par Trương Tử Anh (1939). L’avocat Lâm Thủy prit la tête de l’organisation en tant que nouveau chef du parti et Trần Trọng Đạt, plus jeune, prit la direction du Comité central.
Enfin, les 7, 8 et 9 décembre 2012, le septième congrès du parti fut organisé à Little Saigon en Californie confirmant l’ascension de Trần Trọng Đạt (alias Thái Dương) en tant que nouveau leader jusqu’en 2017. Quant à Phạm Đăng Cảnh, il conserva son rôle de « conseiller », une place d’honneur attribuée aux anciens présidents et membres historiques de l’organisation. Au fil de cet inventaire, on s’aperçoit que l’on connait très peu de choses sur son parcours personnel si ce n’est qu’il fut enseignant à Vũng Tàu dans les années cinquante et présent dans les instances de son parti jusqu’à son décès.
Il était aux côtés de Nguyễn Tôn Hoàn lorsque nous l’avions rencontré aux Etats-Unis en décembre 1998. Phạm Đăng Cảnh était resté une figure incontournable du parti Đại Việt exilé. Un parti qui connut son apogée pendant la période de Bảo Đại (1948-1954) puis de nouveau en 1964 au Sud Viêt-Nam avant peu à peu de retomber dans l’oubli à la suite de la création des partis Đại Việt concurrents. Ce parti, qui plonge ses racines dans la période révolutionnaire, tente aujourd’hui de renouveler ses cadres et de se maintenir avec difficulté au sein de la communauté vietnamienne exilée. Bảy Cảnh était le dernier représentant encore vivant du groupe de militants envoyés au Sud en 1945, formés des militants Nhân, Lễ, Nghĩa, Trí, Tín, et Nhân, son nom de guerre, est le premier terme de cette formule évoquant les cinq vertus confucéennes. Membre du Comité central, Conseiller du Parti lors de son grand âge, ancien Président de l’organisation pendant une courte période, le professeur Phạm Đăng Cảnh restait profondément attaché à cette tradition révolutionnaire à la fois anticoloniale (et donc anti-française) et anticommuniste. Son destin personnel l’amena finalement jusqu’à Rouen où il résida jusqu’à son décès.
L’annonce a été faite sur les ondes de la BBC et de RFI : l’avocat et ancien leader étudiant sudiste du temps de la guerre est décédé à Ho Chi Minh-Ville le 22 janvier 2014 à l’Hôpital du peuple 115 à l’âge de 70 ans.
Né dans la province de Quang Nam le 6 janvier 1944, Le Hieu Dang suivit des études de droit à Saigon en 1964 et épousa avec hardiesse la lutte anti-américaine pour l’indépendance nationale. En particulier, il fut un des leaders étudiants les plus actifs au sein de l’Association générale des étudiants de Saigon pendant la période de la guerre.
Il exerça des responsabilités dans des organisations paracommunistes au Sud Viêt-Nam notamment en tant que vice secrétaire général de l’Alliance des Forces nationales de la Démocratie et de la Paix de 1968 à 1977. Condamné à mort par contumace par le régime de Saigon, il fut pendant 45 ans un compagnon de route du communisme vietnamien et fut pendant vingt ans (1989-2009) le vice président du Front de la Patrie à HCM-Ville.
Ce pedigree très officiel bascula ces dernières années lorsque, à partir de 2011, Le Hieu Dang repris son activisme de jeunesse en manifestant régulièrement pour la cause de la lutte anti-chinoise. Dégouté par l’immobilisme de l’Etat-Parti sur les questions territoriales en Mer de Chine méridionale (archipels des Paracels et Spratleys) et sur les questions de démocratie politique, il devint de plus en plus critique envers le Parti communiste vietnamien, l’organisation à laquelle il avait été fidèle pendant plus de quatre décennies.
En janvier 2013, il fit partie des 72 intellectuels signataires qui proposèrent un changement radical de constitution dans le sens d’une véritable démocratisation du régime. Au mois d’août 2013, il fit des aveux politiques en dénonçant la répression exercée contre les jeunes patriotes vietnamiens, accusant le PCV d’avoir trahi l’idéal révolutionnaire, trahi le peuple et ses propres compagnons de route. Il appela à la création d’un nouveau parti politique “social-démocrate” comme alternative à “l’illusion socialiste”. Le 4 décembre dernier, il rédigea une lettre proclamant haut et fort son abandon du parti.
Vilipendé par le pouvoir communiste pour cette dissidence assumée, il conserva néanmoins de nombreuses amitiés au sein de l’appareil envieuses de son courage. De la lutte anti-américaine à lutte anti-chinoise, Le Hieu Dang symbolise une forme de patriotisme séditieux qui dépasse aujourd’hui les frontières du pays. Ses prises de position pour la démocratie résonnent comme une tragédie amère pour tous celles et ceux qui avaient cru au renversement de la République du Viêt-Nam (Sud, 1955-1975) comme solution définitive pour établir un Viêt-Nam réunifié et pacifié au socialisme à visage humain. La désillusion fut immense.
Nous avons appris tardivement comme d’autres la très triste nouvelle de la disparition à 70 ans du Professeur Vĩnh Sính, historien et spécialiste des relations vietnamo-japonaises. Comme le souligne Tran Huu Dung sur le site Dien Dan – Forum, il y a des pertes inconsolables. Celle de Vĩnh Sính le 1er janvier 2014 en est une.
Professeur émérite à l’Université d’Alberta au Canada, Vĩnh Sính laisse derrière lui une série de travaux importants sur le mouvement Dong Du au début du XXe siècle, sur le révolutionnaire Phan Boi Chau et le moderniste Phan Châu Trinh. Il fut également l’un des premiers à s’intéresser à l’itinéraire de Komatsu Kiyoshi, ami des révolutionnaires et indépendantistes vietnamiens.
Quelques références :
Edited and translated by Vinh Sinh, Phan Chau Trinh and His Political Writings, Ithaca, Cornell University, Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2009.
“Phan Châu Trinh (1872-1926) et sa conception de la modernisation du Vietnam”, in Gilles de Gantès & Nguyen Phuong Ngoc, Vietnam, le moment moderniste, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2009, pp. 115-123.
“Komatsu Kiyoshi and French Indochina”, Moussons 3 (2001 ), pp. 57-86. [sommaire en PDF]
Việt Nam và Nhật Bản – Giao lưu Văn hoá, Nxb Văn Nghệ TP. HCM, 2000. [sélection d’articles publiés au Viêt-Nam]
Overturned Chariot: The Autobiography of Phan Boi Chau, Honolulu, University of Hawai’i Press, 1999.
Voir aussi Tran Huu Dung, Nhớ Vĩnh Sính, Dien Dan – Forum, 07/01/2014.
Hommage de Edward Miller, Associate Professor of History, Dartmouth College
This is indeed a terrible loss. I first got to know Prof. Sinh via email when I was in graduate school. At the time, I was working on a paper on Confucianism in South Vietnam. Quite presumptuously, I emailed him a great many questions about the subject out of the blue. He graciously sent detailed replies to each query. In the years after that, Prof. Sinh continued to be exceedingly generous with his time and expertise on modern Vietnamese politics and culture, and he often went out of his way to share his research and published work with me. He will be greatly missed.
The rise and fall of People’s War is a central theme in twentieth century history. People’s War is a strategy allowing an army with inferior weapons but solid popular support and a substantial hinterland to win its wars against enemies with more and better arms. People’s War strategy emphasizes resilience rather than rapidity, the size of its armed forces rather than their efficiency, and People’s Warriors are psychologically prepared to accept and absorb huge losses of life. The doctrine of People’s War has a dual origin in the Napoleonic Wars, in both the tactics of Napoleon himself and in that of his adversaries. The French revolutionary army that came under the dominance of Napoleon Bonaparte practised the “levée en masse,” with armies of a size never seen before, and with enormous loss of human life in battle. When advancing into Spain, Germany and Russia, the French at first evoked enthusiastic support among oppressed peoples who sought liberation from their tyrants, but soon the new masters provoked resentment and resistance of an intensely emotional kind. Spanish, German and Russian nationalisms were born. The Spanish had inferior weapons but resorted to what they called “small war” (guerrilla), with no big battles but many scattered attacks carried out by fighters who did not use uniform but hid among the population during the day and attacked at night. The result was the kind of French reprisals that have been depicted so vividly by the Spanish painter Goya. Such reprisals, of course, invigorated local anger and willingness to fight. Guerrilla tactics also played an essential role when the Russians defeated the French invasion in 1812: A popular Russian army used small guerrilla groups to defend the nation and its tsar by repeatedly attacking the flanks of the formerly revolutionary army, which Napoleon had transformed into an imperial army of conquest.
Guerrilla tactics and mobilization of huge armies were combined in the 20th century strategy of People’s War. Its main theoretician, Mao Zedong, said it should move through three stages: first guerrilla, then stalemate, and finally a general offensive. It is important to notice that guerrilla tactics dominates only at the first stage. At the second and third stage of a People’s War, guerrillas are just auxiliary forces, helping the main armies, whose main body is a huge infantry. When a People’s Army is ready to launch an offensive against a solidly entrenched and better armed enemy, then it may resort to “human wave” tactics to crowd out its opponents. Line after line of attackers will succomb before the force of the enemy’s superior firepower but in the end overwhelm him all the same if only there are enough soldiers willing to die. Among the most well-known theoreticians and practitioners of People’s War in the twentieth century were Lawrence of Arabia, Leon Trotsky, Marshal Tito, Mao Zedong, Vo Nguyen Giap, Truong Chinh, Che Guevara … and the Indonesian strategist Abdul Haris Nasution. It is noteworthy that People’s War doctrine has not just been used by leftist movements but also by national armies fighting against local communist rebels. Two examples of this are in Indonesia and Burma. The main military strategist in Indonesia was General Nasution, who survived the communist revolt in 1965 by escaping from his house when it came under attack, and remained influential throughout the long reign of General Suharto. Nasution always reminded Suharto that he was not a leader in his own right but was brought to power by a People’s Army, to which he owed loyalty. The Burmese army, the Tatmadaw, was also seen by its commander and later President, Ne Win, as a People’s Army. In Burma one People’s Army fought another People’s Army until the communist one was defeated in an internal rebellion in 1989.
Future military historians are likely to see Mao Zedong and Vo Nguyen Giap as the two most successful practitioners of twentieth century People’s War. Mao’s Red Army survived its Long March 1932-34, established new headquarters in Yenan in northern China, used the anti-Japanese resistance 1937-45 to build solid strength among the peasants in the country-side, overran the forces of Chiang Kai-shek during 1946-50, formed the People’s Republic of China with a People’s Liberation Army (PLA), and forced the American forces in Korea to retreat back to the 38th parallel in 1950. In the 1960s, however, the People’s Liberation Army went into a period of decline, did not perform well in its war with the Soviet Union in 1969, and a few years after Mao’s death, in 1979, it failed to teach Vietnam a lesson. This led to reforms that moved China away from People’s War doctrine. The People’s Liberation Army was transformed into a smaller army who should be able to fight successful battles under modern conditions, with more precise firepower and fewer losses.
The Vietnamese army that turned the Chinese lesson into a counter-lesson in 1979 was the same army that, according to official Vietnamese history, had been founded 35 years before in the border region to China by a 33 year old history professor: Vo Nguyen Giap. He is called the Anh Ca (elder brother) of the Army because he was instructed by Ho Chi Minh to form an Armed Propaganda Brigade in December 1944, one of the forerunners of the People’s Army of Vietnam, together with armed groups led by the ethnic minority leader Chu Van Tan, the guerrilla leader Nguyen Binh and others.
Like so many other of Vietnam’s great leaders Vo Nguyen Giap came from central Vietnam and in the 1920s went to secondary school – a French lycée – in the old imperial city of Hue. He learned French history and was fascinated by Napoleon, read all he could find about his military campaigns. At the same time, already as a teenager, Vo Nguyen Giap became an anti-colonial activist, was expelled from his lycée, and was in 1930 convicted to two years in prison after having collected money in support of the Yen Bay uprising. However, his intelligence seems to have impressed his interrogators so much that they arranged for him to be released ahead of time on 18 November 1931, perhaps in the hope that he would become more pro-French. His early release, and the fact that he later received a scholarship to study in Hanoi, so he could complete his baccalauréat and even graduate from legal studies at the University of Hanoi in 1937, created suspicion among other left wing militants, notably the Trotskyites, who thought he had become a French agent. He would get ample chance to prove such suspicions wrong. In the 1930s he was part of a team that studied the economy and living conditions in the countryside under the leadership of a French geography professor, Pierre Gourou. Together with Truong Chinh, the later Secretary General of the Indochinese Communist Party, Vo Nguyen Giap wrote a book on the basis of these studies in 1937-38, called “The peasant question”. The gist of his and Truong Chinh’s thinking was that a revolution was needed in the countryside to liberate the villages from traditional superstition and replace village elders with young leaders ready for change. While undertaking his peasant studies Giap also taught history at the Thang Long school in Hanoi.
In May 1940, after a new French government had cancelled the liberties allowed in the colonies under the French Popular Front government, which was led by the socialist Léon Blum, Giap expected to be arrested once again and therefore left Hanoi together with his comrade Pham Van Dong to join up with communist organizers in the border region to China. This was just as Hitler launched his assault on France. By the time Giap and Pham Van Dong established their presence in the Chinese province of Yunnan, the French army was defeated and Philippe Pétain signed an armistice with Hitler, who allowed the aging Marshal to hold on to half of France and all of its colonies. It was at this time, when it could be seen that a favourable occasion might arise for national liberation, that Giap met the main Vietnamese communist leader of his time: Nguyen Ai Quoc. Quoc was twenty-one years older than Giap, had lived in exile since 1911, been a prominent member of the international communist movement since the founding of the French Communist Party in 1920, had taken part in the founding of communist parties in Thailand and Malaya, had served a prison sentence in British Hong Kong, survived Stalin’s purges in the Soviet Union, and had now come down from Russia through China. He assumed the leadership of a new national liberation front, the Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh (Viet Minh for short) and also took up a new name for himself: Ho Chi Minh. Giap, before joining up with Ho Chi Minh, had left his wife and little daughter behind in Hanoi. Nguyen Thi Quang Thai was the younger sister of a legendary female communist of the first generation, Nguyen Thi Minh Khai, who had been close to Nguyen Ai Quoc in the early 1930s and was executed by the French in 1941 for her role in a 1940 uprising. Giap’s wife Quang Thai was also soon arrested, and Giap learned in 1943 that she had died in a French prison. He was thus no doubt reminded that when he was still just a boy, the French had also killed his father.
The role assigned to Giap in Vietnam’s northern border region was to recruit young fighters from among the local ethnic minorities and train them in guerrilla and other military tactics. When I first had a chance to interview Giap in 1991, we discussed this formative period of his career, and at one point he was annoyed by my ignorance. There was an essential book I had not read. Then he realized that the book had been published only in Vietnamese and that I could not even read Vietnamese. He stared at me in the way of a school master and scolded me in his absolutely flawless French for not having bothered to learn such an easy language. When he was my age, he explained, he had learnt four minority languages and even written poems in one of them while building up Vietnam’s Army of National Liberation: “Are you married?” he asked me. I immediately understood what he was driving at. He was going to suggest that I learn Vietnamese on a pillow. So I interrupted him: “Yes, I am married and I’m so happily married that I shall not even think of asking for a divorce in order to learn the six tones of your language. When hearing this, he laughed heartily and apologized for intruding into my personal life.
22 December 1944. Since this was the day Giap formed the first Armed Propaganda Brigade for the Viet Minh it was decided at some point that this was the foundation of the People’s Army of Vietnam. It is therefore celebrated every year as Army day. The strategic aim of the Viet Minh leaders in 1944-45 was to use its various armed groups in a general offensive against the Japanese and French forces in Indochina in conjunction with an Allied invasion, which could come either from the sea or China or both. Japan had compelled French Indochina in 1941 to allow its army to establish local bases. They were used as stepping stones for the Japanese invasion of Southeast Asia in early 1942. By late 1944 it was easy to foresee that the French Indochinese forces would turn against Japan and join the allied cause once the expected invasion began. Petain was gone, and Charles de Gaulle had in August 1944 established a new French government in Paris. The Viet Minh would now have to compete with the French for the favour of the Allies and seek to establish a position of strength that could be used to liberate Vietnam not just from Japan but also from French colonialism. As happens often in history, what happened next was different from what everyone had thought. Japan also anticipated an Allied invasion and therefore launched a coup against the French and disarmed them on 9 March 1945, although no Allied invasion happened. This had two contradictory effects on Giap and the Viet Minh. Firstly, the sudden disappearance of the French administration removed both the army and the police that had oppressed the people. The Japanese had no capacity to take over the running of the country. Hence an opportunity was opened for rapidly expanding the Viet Minh movement throughout the Red River delta and also further beyond. Another similar movement, the Vanguard Youth, spread out in southern Vietnam. These movements were greatly reinforced by communists and other leftists who were now released from French jails. When Japan surrendered on 15 August, city-based activists were thus able to utilize the power vacuum and seize power in a rapid and almost nonviolent revolution. Secondly, the disappearance of the French colonial regime made Giap’s armed forces temporarily irrelevant. They were far away from the main action. Giap and other leaders had been assembled at a remote place called Tan Trao, with no means of communication with the people who seized power in the cities. Giap led his troops into a small and unnecessary confrontation with a Japanese force at Thai Nguyen but his brigades could actually march unhindered all the way to Hanoi. When they arrived in the capital to form the nucleus of a new national army, all the main cities in Vietnam were already in the hands of the Viet Minh, which was dominated by communists who had either survived clandestinely under the combined “Franco-Japanese yoke” or recently got out of jail. Vo Nguyen Giap and Ho Chi Minh were actually on the side-lines when the August Revolution happened.
Giap’s main task after the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam on 2 September 1945, was to build a national army under infinitely more favourable conditions than before. Yet he faced serious difficulties. He had to avoid battle with a huge Chinese army, which entered Vietnam from the north in compliance with a decision by the Allies that China would occupy northern Indochina to disarm the Japanese there, while Britain would occupy the southern half. Giap also had to prepare his forces for resisting a French return. The French made a quick comeback in the south, with British help, but did not land in the north until 6 March 1946. This was a trying moment in Giap’s life. His forces were ready to resist the French invaders but it was essential to avoid a two-front struggle against the French and Chinese at the same time. Since China had just made an agreement with France allowing it to return to northern Indochina, Giap and Ho Chi Minh decided to be inspired by Lenin’s 1918 agreement with Germany at Brest Litovsk and sign an agreement with France, allowing it to re-establish garrisons in the main cities of northern Vietnam against a promise to let Vietnam become a “free state”. The term “independent” was not used. Giap took upon himself the task of explaining to a mass meeting in Hanoi the need for a “Brest Litovsk” with the French being allowed to return.
In the next period, Giap made a short and unsuccessful stint as negotiator, serving as deputy head and de facto leader of a Vietnamese delegation to negotiate with France at Dalat in the central highlands. No agreement was reached. Although this was mainly because of French recalcitrance, Giap was not as impressive as a diplomat as he was as a teacher and commander, so a more natural division of labour developed in the Viet Minh leadership afterwards, with Giap concentrating on military and police matters while Pham Van Dong, Hoang Huu Nam – and Ho Chi Minh himself – took care of diplomacy. The French would soon see Giap as a hardliner, and kept looking for ways to create dissension among the Vietnamese leaders so Giap could be marginalized. After unsuccessful Franco-Vietnamese negotiations in France during the Summer of 1946 the bilateral relationship quickly deteriorated, and Giap’s main task became to prepare for a coming People’s War. It would be a drawn-out war, a war for the survival of his forces. That there would soon be full-scale war became more than likely when the French bombed and seized control of the port city Haiphong on 23 November. In this period, autumn 1946, Giap made some cynical statements that have since been associated with his name and been repeated even in some of the obituaries in the international press. In December 1946 Giap met a representative of the US State Department, Abbot Low Moffat, who was deeply impressed by Ho Chi Minh but not by Giap. Moffat thought Giap had a disconcerting “deadpan” face and acted like an archetypical communist cadre. When Moffat asked him about all the suffering that would ensue if war were allowed to break out between Vietnam and France, Giap just spoke of the need for “sacrifice, sacrifice, sacrifice”. “We may not win a war against France,” Giap conceded, “but neither will France”. And in the end France would give up. Ho Chi Minh used to say that it would be a war between a tiger and an elephant or between grasshoppers and elephants but Ho said this just allegorically. He did say directly that millions of people would have to die. Giap called a spade a spade and said it would not matter if thousands or millions died. All the sacrifice needed to ensure national liberation was worth it. These were chilling words. Bao Ninh’s novel The Sorrows of War carries the opposite message: Perhaps it was not worth all the suffering. Giap saw a need to convince his interlocutors that Vietnam would hold out no matter what; if he expressed any element of sorrow, fear or worry, then it might seem that he was not fully determined to fight until victory. Perhaps he was too honest or direct to express himself in less cynical terms. At any rate his statements from late 1946, not just to Moffat but to others as well, are discomforting. I sometimes seek comfort in the memory of having attended at some point in the early 1990s a commemorative event for war veterans in the Museum of Revolution here in Hanoi. As a foreign guest I was offered a seat next to Giap. He was not treated as the most important man in the room, but sat in the audience together with the rest of us, on the second row of chairs if I remember correctly. The kind of respect that the little man next to me showed for the war veterans in the room thoroughly impressed me. I was especially impressed when two psychologically deranged former soldiers insisted to take over the podium from the designated speaker in order to read out some extremely long poems. Giap just sat there patiently listening to their ramblings.
Sometimes I also think of the fact that my friend and colleague Duong Trung Quoc, one of the historians who worked with Giap on his memoirs in the 1990s, never met his own father. He was killed in late December 1946, in the battle that Giap had initiated.
Giap and I have quarrelled both orally and verbally over what happened in Hanoi on 19 December 1946, the day the all-out war with France began. He claimed that a conscious decision was made to launch an attack as a way of taking the initiative and demonstrating a will to fight. If any mistake were made, he asserted, it was “that we waited too long.” He let militias and some small parts of his army join the fighting in the city, while withdrawing the rest of his troops to safety. In my view, he was lured into a trap on 19 December by the local French authorities who feared that a new French government under the socialist Leon Blum would engage in new talks with Ho Chi Minh. The local French wanted war. They wished to place Blum before a fait accompli but could not take the initiative themselves for fear of being repudiated. They thus wanted Giap to act first. I think he made a tremendous tactical mistake in launching his attack at the very moment when a new French government might repudiate the aggressive actions undertaken by its local representatives, who had been appointed by General de Gaulle. I think the outbreak of war was avoidable – at least at that point of time. Giap always maintained that the outbreak of war was inevitable.
From 1946 to 1954, Giap fought a classic People’s War in the paradigmatic Maoist fashion, where the first phase 1947-49 was mainly about keeping his forces intact while engaging in small scale guerrilla tactics. The French called it “la sale guerre” (the dirty war). Then, when the Chinese People’s Liberation Army arrived at the other side of the border in 1950, Giap sent his officers to China for training and got Chinese military advisors and weapons. This allowed him to launch his first conventional battle at Cao Bang near the Chinese border in October 1950, and to win a decisive victory. The French had to evacuate the border region. This led to over-confidence on Giap’s side, and to several costly defeats when the French had reorganized their forces and put them under a new decisive commander-in-chief.
Giap and his colleagues learned from these mistakes before launching a great campaign in late 1953 to surround and destroy a newly established French fortress at Dien Bien Phu, way up in the northwestern highlands near Laos. The battle of Dien Bien Phu is so well known that I will mostly bypass it here. It marked the apex of Giap’s military career and rendered him famous world wide. Dien Bien Phu was one of the epic battles of the twentieth century, and one of those where an Asian force won against a Western one: Tsushima 1905, Pearl Harbor 1941, Singapore 1942, Dien Bien Phu 1954. This was the third stage of People’s War, the general offensive. It depended on a massive mobilization of porters, on troops being willing to sacrifice themselves in attacks against heavily fortified positions, and on massive Chinese assistance. Yet the outcome was not a given. The attackers were sometimes close to a physical and psychological breaking point, and the greatest contribution Giap made to victory was probably his decision to call off the final onslaught at a time when it had been decided but when victory was not yet certain, and continue to build strength for some more time before closing in on the French bastions. When the last one fell on 7 May 1954, the stage was set for Pham Van Dong’s negotiations in Geneva, leading to the temporary division of Vietnam into North and South Vietnam, the subsequent departure of the French and the coming of American advisors in the South.
Vo Nguyen Giap remained minister of defence but had lost some of his power. As Ho Chi Minh became older, and Secretary General Le Duan built up his discrete and uncharismatic power, a new generation of less colourful military officers took control of the army. General Nguyen Chi Thanh, not Giap, was the main brain behind the Tet offensive in 1968, which may have resulted from a miscalculation on the part of Hanoi. There had always been tension within the international communist movement between proponents of city-based revolution and rural-based People’s War. The Russian Revolution began as a city-based revolt and then became a civil war with armies moving against each other along the main axes of communication. The urban tactics failed in Guangzhou 1927 when Chiang Kai-shek clamped down on the communists. When Mao rose to power afterwards, he applied a consistent strategy of People’s War, with armies converging around the cities so they would fall in the end as ripe fruits. The Tet offensive was launched inside the main cities of Saigon and Hue, probably in a hope of unleashing a popular uprising. Militarily the Tet offensive was a defeat, and its tremendous impact on US public opinion can hardly have been foreseen in Hanoi, although many would pretend this later. After the Tet offensive, Giap’s influence increased again for a short while, and he remained Minister of Defence until 1980, but he never regained the kind of control he had held during the French war. When the Ho Chi Minh offensive was launched in 1975, two years after the withdrawal of American forces in fulfillment of the January 1973 Paris agreement, the campaign was carried out by a new commander, General Van Tien Dung, in close cooperation with Le Duc Tho. The offensive was undertaken in the classic conventional – and Maoist – fashion, with armies surrounding and cutting off the cities. No urban uprising happened or was expected to happen. The main factor ensuring rapid victory was the demoralization of the South Vietnamese army, the fact that the United States did not return to help it, and that President Nguyen Van Thieu ceded power inthe end to General Duong Van Minh (“Big Minh”), who decided to surrender instead of allowing Saigon to be destroyed. The role of Big Minh was touched upon in a statement made by former prime minister Vo Van Kiet a couple of years ago. In this statement, Kiet, who had played a key role in the war in the south, expressed his appreciation of Big Minh’s surrender, which had made 30 April 1975 so much less bloody than it would otherwise have been.
During an essential part of of the period when the heroic Giap was Minister of Defence in Hanoi, his counterpart in Washington was Robert S. McNamara, one of the twentieth century’s most tragic personalities. McNamara was not, of course, a military man. American secretaries of defence are always civilians. Yet McNamara was someone used to command. The best period of his professional life was when he directed and reformed the Ford Motor Company using modern, scientific management techniques. His tragedy began when he was persuaded by John F. Kennedy to become one of his “best and brightest” and revolutionize the Pentagon with scientific management techniques. McNamara’s war was not a People’s War but a Computer’s War, built on rational choice theory. Victory in war should be won the same way you make a winning product for the market. The basic idea was that any adversary will have a breaking point as far as number of casualties is concerned, no matter what kind of cause the enemy is fighting for. If a sufficient number of Vietnamese soldiers were killed, then North Vietnam and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam would come to a breaking point where they would be willing to negotiate on American or South Vietnamese terms. This never happened, of course. When it did not, when the casualty figures just continued to increase beyond any reasonable breaking point and the enemy still continued to fight and even escalated the fighting, McNamara started to have doubts. He was a deeply moral Presbyterian, someone with a deep longing to do good, and he suffered terribly from his Vietnam failure. In the end he resigned as Secretary of Defence but dit not tell the American public why. He was too loyal to President Lyndon B. Johnson to go public with his doubts. Instead he tried to compensate for his personal failure by taking up an obvious do-good job as President of the World Bank. As such he insisted on a huge increase in loans to developing countries. He wanted to get massive amounts of people out of poverty by kickstarting economic growth. Thus he inadvertently contributed to the long debt crisis in Africa and Latin America, which stifled development for a couple of decades and was only really overcome in the 2000s, when Chinese demand led to higher prices for African raw materials.
In his old age, McNamara became an anti-war activist, and spent much of his collossal energy on digging into his own past mistakes. In his quest for redemption he made two pilgrimages to Vietnam and published two books about how badly he and America had been mistaken. During his first trip to Vietnam in 1995 he had a brief meeting with Giap, who confirmed that there had been only one attempt to shoot at US ships with torpedoes in the “Tonkin Gulf incident” in early August 1964. The alleged second attack, which prompted President Lyndon B. Johnson to seek the Tonkin Gulf Resolution (the closest that the USA came to a declaration of war), never actually took place. When McNamara learned this news from Giap, he faxed his publisher back in the United States with instructions to make a last-minute change to his first self-flagellating book In Retrospect. When McNamara came back to Vietnam in 1997 with a whole team of political scientists and historians to work on his second book, he was extremely eager to once more meet his old nemesis Vo Nguyen Giap. He wanted it at first to be a private meeting but this did not work out. Perhaps Giap preferred it otherwise. Perhaps the Vietnamese Communist Party did not want Giap and McNamara to meet under four eyes. For myself and quite a few others, it was wonderful that the two former enemies were unable to meet privately since this allowed us to be present.
It was 23 June 1997 in a hot and humid Hanoi. Robert McNamara had been mastering a four day conference in the luxurious Hotel Metropole to discuss mutual misunderstandings and missed opportunities between Washington and Hanoi during 1961-69. Only a few hours were now left till McNamara’s plane was due to take off from Noi Bai airport. But first he expected to be received by General Giap. The meeting would take place in the former French “Résidence supérieure” where the revolutionaries had seized control in the first phase of the August Revolution on 19 August 1945, and which for more than a year in 1945-46 had served as office for President Ho Chi Minh but been captured by heavily armed French assaillants in the night of 19-20 December 1946. After Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva accords of 1954 Giap’s forces had returned there to stay. In the 1960s and early 1970s the building had been evacuated during each of the American bombing campaigns but it was never actually hit. To Giap, the colonial style facade and interior of the building, nicely renovated in 1993, were as familiar as could be. He had received innumerable foreign dignitaries in that building as the Government Guest House of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
Now, two years after the publication of his first book, and following an acrimonious discussion in the USA about the sincerity and limitations of the former defence secretary’s belated self-criticism, McNamara was preparing for a frank and open-minded discussion with the small but lucid Asian General. However, their encounter would prove to be a piece of theater, leaving the two men at an even greater mental distance than before. Two men with most of a war and over three million dead men and women between them. Two calculating brains with so many choices to regret or be proud of. They had so much in common, and yet their minds got no chance to actually meet.
We were some fifty people in the room, mostly Vietnamese and Americans, lining the walls, eagerly waiting to know if the two men would allow us to stay during their talk. Then there was a rush at the door. General Giap walked slowly through the room in his impeccable uniform amidst a moving circle of blitzing cameras. He smiled a perpetual smile and sat down in the host’s chair, to the right of his guest’s empty chair.
Where was McNamara? The host, according to custom, is supposed to come in last. But in this case it had been agreed that the guest would enter last, and the host would first make sure that no journalists were present. McNamara’s dream was to have a free, non-scripted discussion undisturbed by hostile media. His greatest hope was that Giap would reciprocate and offer some regrets for his past actions, for his own mistakes during the war, for his failure to negotiate and end the war much earlier so lives could have been spared. If Giap could also express his regrets, then the two could seek redemption together. God would forgive Giap just as he had forgiven McNamara. The problem with this approach, of course, was that Giap had fought the war in his own country against a foreign invader while McNamara had sent his soldiers to die in a country at the opposite side of the great Pacific. Giap of course had no regrets that he had won the war.
We stood there waiting for McNamara to arrive, with Giap sitting quietly in his chair. Someone expressed excuses on McNamara’s behalf; he must have been delayed. But then the tall, old, athletic man strode in, taking vigorously command of the room. In just a few giant steps he had advanced through the whole of the room, then leant his long body down over the small General in a show of secretarial might and said he would like to introduce his team.
A short embarrassing scene ensued. McNamara was gently shown his chair. But before sitting down he turned around to look at all of us from his standing position. Then he discovered to his obvious disappointment that the journalists and cameras were still there, in violation of the agreement he had obtained. He then insisted that all journalists must leave the room before the dialogue could begin. Amidst begrudgings most of the cameras were carried outside, and the doors were shut, but the rest of us remained inside. One person who was obviously a journalist also remained, a young woman in a mini skirt with neatly sewn three-dimensional flowers along the hem. McNamara could not avoid seeing her and asked that she be removed. She protested that she had General Giap’s permission to stay but McNamara had his way. On her way out she shouted insults to the former Secretary of Defence. The doors closed behind her. The rest of us were still inside. We sighed.
There was a brief pause while the two men competed for control, each with the help of an interpreter. Giap had an official one from Hanoi. McNamara had brought an overseas Vietnamese from home. Both did a remarkable job. McNamara again wanted to introduce his team, a move with a potential from transforming the scenario from a meeting of two men to a hearing where Giap would be questioned by a group of international experts. Giap interfered to say he wanted to make a brief statement. He spoke quietly while retaining the same steady smile. McNamara gave up his plan to introduce his team but interrupted Giap to state his desire that the conversation must last at least one hour. “Yes,” said Giap: “One hour will be enough.”
During the first part of Giap’s brief statement, McNamara took frantic notes but when the statement turned out to not be brief at all, his hands stopped scribbling and instead formed fists in preparation for making interruptions each time Giap was forced to draw his breath. To no avail. Giap seemed to breath while talking and did not even look at the impatient American. He stared out in the room at the rest of us and spoke softly but emphatically about the escalation of the US war from Kennedy to Johnson and about the Vietnamese determination to resist. McNamara waited and waited and waited but in the end he could no longer hold down his impatience. First he demonstratively took off his watch and put it on the table. When this failed to produce any effect he tried to use his fist and mouth instead. Giap had just stated: “Since I am a soldier, please let me be frank,” when McNamara seized a chance to break in: “Yes, please be frank. And then I would like to interrupt you and move to another subject.”
Giap could not be moved. He continued his statement with the same soft voice, like an old teacher ignoring a young oversized schoolboy who has not yet learned good manners. Giap never actually looked at McNamara. He spoke out in space, let the interpreter translate, spoke again, allowed the translation, spoke… in a kind of rhythmic hymn that could last eternally. From the moment he had uttered his first words he was in full control of the scene. McNamara did not rise from his chair and Giap could talk as long as he wanted. McNamara and his team would listen, try to interrupt from time to time, exchange glances but remain seated. Giap sang for almost an hour, about US strengths and weaknesses during the war, about correct decisions made in Hanoi, and mainly about the will of the people to resist: “The Vietnamese people fought and had to fight. If necessary we would have fought a hundred years. Because of our determination we achieved our national independence a hundred years early.” And “we fought on our own account. There were no foreign voluntary troops, even though there were 500,000 foreign troops in South Vietnam.” There were, he conceded, some friends who said the Vietnamese could not win against the United States. He could not name those friends. But he himself was always convinced that the Vietnamese people could win. The United States made a strategic error when it intervened in Vietnam, leading to the greatest military defeat in US history. The winners of the war were the Vietnamese people and also all the progressive peace-loving people in the world, including the progressive peace-loving people in the United States who opposed the war.
At one point McNamara managed to insert another question. He wanted to know which of all US decisions that caused the most worry in Hanoi. The word “worry” does not exist in the Vietnamese vocabulary, said Giap. He was then asked what caused the most “fear” but replied that the word “fear” also does not exist in Vietnamese. After each of these interruptions the General continued his monologue:
“Nothing is as precious as freedom and independence. The victory of the Vietnamese people was not just a physical victory. It was also the first time a small country could break the myth of great power domination. Nowadays, however, under different geopolitical and cultural conditions, there is nothing that stands in the way of improving Vietnamese-American relations. Normalization is in our mutual interest, particularly in view of Vietnam’s geopolitical position and cultural importance. I believe a better relationship between Vietnam and the United States will contribute to peace and stability in the region. The Vietnamese people sincerely wants to cooperate with the American people.”
Finally Giap allowed a few questions from the US team, letting each inspire a new monologue. Most of the Americans had now reached a stage of resignation. They seemed somewhat in awe of the little General who on this day was winning another battle: “General, you are certainly winning the war of words today,” McNamara exclaimed. “I now see why you have become a legend in your time. You are secure in your legend,” said General Dale Vesser, a member of McNamara’s team.
“No, not a legend,” the legend replied, “but a People’s General. When I stand next to a soldier, I feel like a soldier. To be commander-in-chief is an important task, but the soldier is the one who is directly in charge. Therefore I highly respect the soldier.”
Towards the end, when Giap said he must make another important point, McNamara just let him have his way. “Go ahead!” And then, while Giap proceeded to speak, McNamara let his shoulders sink and smiled a good-natured smile. His energetic posture gave way to an almost humorous resignation. This, perhaps, is where the two men might have started to look at each other, maybe even talk – about People’s War and body counts, about successes and failures, about the tragedy of so many lost lives. It never happened. The encounter was over. Hands were shaken. Doors were opened. Cameras came back while the General and Secretary walked out. For more than an hour Giap and McNamara had been in the same room but they had not actually met.
The fact that Vo Nguyen Giap was politically side-lined in much of the 1960s, and again in the 1970s, leaves ambiguous feelings in me. On the one hand I admire the first and second generation of Vietnamese leaders more than the third and the fourth, and I hold Ho Chi Minh’s main lieutenants in the Viet Minh period, Pham Van Dong and Vo Nguyen Giap in very high esteem. Hence I would be curious to see what Giap would have done in the 1970s and 1980s if he had been more influential. On the other hand it may perhaps be an advantage for Giap’s memory that he did not hold too much responsibility for the many mistakes that were made after the fall of South Vietnam: the too rapid unification; the attempt to collectivize southern agriculture, the destruction of the commercial class, the close alliance with the Soviet Union, the failure to manage Vietnam’s relations with China, the long occupation of Cambodia, the many years it took before the policy of renovation (Doi Moi) was launched.
Giap held power at the time when People’s War was on its ascendancy. The doctrine lost force from the 1980s onward. The last successful socialist revolution of a People’s War kind was in Nicaragua 1979. After that some central elements of People’s War were “turned around” and utilized in so-called “low intensity warfare” against socialist regimes in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Angola, Mozambique, and other places. But this kind of warfare also declined after the end of the Cold War, when major powers mostly ceased to support insurgencies in other countries and when modern roads, modern surveillance tecniques and the cutting of trees made it more and more difficult to hide in jungles.
From the side-lines, Giap watched the East Asian region and also other parts of the world become more peaceful, more rich and also more morally depraved. He was now able to spend time on his original field, history, which is also the discipline of his wife Dang Bich Ha. With the help of some of Vietnam’s best historians Giap wrote a readable three-volume memoir that was published both in Vietnamese and French. He also found time during the last few decades of his life to develop a critical view of certain developments in his party, and sometimes he expressed his criticism in letters to the party leadership. The independence of mind thus demonstrated must have further endeared him to the Vietnamese public. Giap became a national icon, and his funeral became the focus of intense national mourning. In his old age, a bit like McNamara, Giap also spoke more often about peace.
Vo Nguyen Giap was 102 or 103 years old when he died (depending on whether we count the European or the Vietnamese way). He thus became even older than his French mentor in the study of the Red River villages during the 1930s, Pierre Gourou, who died in 1999 at the age of 99 (one wonders what they ate when conducting their village fieldwork). General Giap’s life spanned 89 years of the twentieth century and almost thirteen of the twenty-first.
I saw him last on 20 December 2005, two days before his army celebrated its 61st birthday. He received me in his house here in Hanoi, in a room filled with memorabilia – among them several portraits of Uncle Ho – and he rose up in front of me to express a wish for world peace. Vo Nguyen Giap had an impressive personality. He did not perhaps possess the same personal warmth as Uncle Ho. Who does? But Giap was witty, knowledgeable and argumentative. He had a sharp tongue. His eyes revealed an exceptional intelligence and commanded great authority. He expected soldiers to be ready for great sacrifice, and he deeply respected those who were. He now lies buried in his ancestral land of Quang Binh.
May General Giap rest in peace! May his wish be fulfilled that Vietnam and the world can live in peace. In this twenty-first century there should be no place either for People’s War or for its opposite; the war that comes out of the sky, from B52 bombers, cruise missiles or drones.
What we now need is People’s Peace.
 with small corrections made in Hanoi, 13 Nov 2013.
 As John Kleinen has noted in “Tropicality and topicality: Pierre Gourou and the genealogy of French colonial scholarship on rural Vietnam” (2005: 348-349), Vo Nguyen Giap collected field data for Gourou’s ‘supplementary thesis’ about Vietnamese housing in central Vietnam as early as 1935. According to Gourou the two of them had met for the first time in 1931 when Giap was freed on probation. They met again in 1946 at the Dalat conference. See: Tuoi Tre. (Thanks to John Kleinen for this information.)
 In the early 1990s, Giap travelled to Brussels to see his old professor. According to Gourou (interviewed by John Kleinen in 1994) it was a polite and pleasant event. Thanks to John Kleinen for this information.
Texte envoyé depuis Hanoi et publié sur Mémoires d’Indochine avec l’aimable autorisation de l’auteur que nous remercions chaleureusement.
Depuis le 11 mai 2013, le docteur Nguyễn Tường Bách* nous a quittés. Décédé à l’âge de 97 ans à l’hôpital de Fountain Valley en Californie, il reste un personnage méconnu mais néanmoins incontournable de l’histoire contemporaine du Viêt-Nam. Cadet de la célèbre famille de lettrés Nguyễn Tường, Nguyễn Tường Bách, né en 1916 à Câm Giang dans la province de Hai Duong, fut de tous les combats littéraires et politiques menés par le groupe littéraire autonome (Tự lực Văn Đoàn) et les partis nationalistes Đại Việt Dân Chính et VNQDĐ (Parti National du Viêt-Nam). Ses grands frères, les célèbres Nguyễn Tường Tam (Nhất Linh), Nguyễn Tường Long (Hoàng Đạo) et Nguyễn Tường Lân (Thạch Lam) ainsi que sa soeur Nguyễn Thị Thế jouèrent un rôle prépondérant dans le renouveau littéraire des années 1930.
Nguyễn Tường Bách de son nom de plume Vien Son rédigea très tôt des poésies et des nouvelles dans les deux grands journaux du Tự lực Văn Đoàn, Phong Hóa (Moeurs) et Ngày Nay (Temps modernes). Il intégra le lycée du Protectorat (trường Bưởi) avant de poursuivre ses études à la Faculté de Médecine de l’Université indochinoise. Il y reçut son diplôme de médecine en 1944. Mais Nguyễn Tường Bách fut surtout connu pour son engagement politique aux côtés de son grand frère Tam. Il fut d’abord affilié au Đại Việt Dân Chính (Parti Populaire du Grand Viêt-Nam), le nouveau parti créé et dirigé par Tam en 1939. Il avait alors 23 ans. Ce nouveau parti influencé par les nationalismes autoritaires japonais et européens rassemblait autour de Tam, l’artiste laqueur Nguyễn Gia Trí et le théoricien Hoàng Đạo. Bách de son côté prit en charge les éditions Đời Nay.
Le jeune parti nationaliste tenta de développer des groupes d’assaut dans la province de Bắc Ninh et s’activa à Hanoi. Il fut rapidement repéré par la Sûreté coloniale qui, ayant gardé la main sur les affaires intérieures malgré la présence japonaise, lança contre lui et d’autres formations “antifrançaises” une vaste répression à l’automne 1941. Nguyễn Tường Tam, le chef, fut activement recherché mais il s’était déjà réfugié en Chine. C’est à ce moment que le parti qui pensait s’accommoder de la présence japonaise ou du moins obtenir un soutien de la Kempeitai pour mener la révolution nationaliste changea radicalement d’option politique. Le groupe se rapprocha du VNQDĐ de l’Extérieur regroupé au Yunnan et entre 1943 et 1945 organisa la nouvelle alliance des partis nationalistes révolutionnaires qui devait concurrencer le Viêt-Minh, l’organisation patronnée par le Parti communiste indochinois (PCI). Le Front des Partis Nationalistes (Mặt trận Quốc dân Đảng) fut ainsi créé en mai 1945 en Chine du Sud avant de prendre pied à Hanoi tardivement à la fin de l’année 1945 alors que des événements décisifs (Révolution d’août, proclamation de l’indépendance et création de la RDVN) avaient totalement changé la donne.
Après le coup de force japonais du 9 mars 1945, Nguyễn Tường Bách reprit en main la nouvelle édition du quotidien Ngày Nayavec Khái Hưng et Hoàng Đạo. Comme le Bình Minh, le Việt Nam Thời báo ou le Hải Phòng Nhat Bao, le journal soutint la nouvelle indépendance proclamée par l’empereur Bảo Đại le 11 mars 1945 mais il aspirait aussi à parfaire la révolution nationaliste “Đại Việt” en marche. Les événements se précipitèrent au mois d’août 1945 avec l’apparition du Front Viêt-Minh dans les différentes manifestations organisées à Hanoi. Même si celles-ci étaient au départ mises sur pieds pour soutenir l’action du gouvernement Trần Trọng Kim fragilisé, elles furent prises en main par les cadres du PCI. Après la capitulation japonaise, la situation était mûre et les membres du PCI n’eurent aucun mal à s’emparer de la fronde populaire. Le mot d’ordre d’indépendance nationale était général et mobilisa le peuple en marche. Les nationalistes du Đại Việt et du VNQDĐ hésitèrent à prendre le pouvoir par la force des mains japonaises. Ils manquèrent cette occasion unique que le Viêt-Minh, le front créé en mai 1941 dirigé par le PCI, sut saisir.
La suite des événements se résument en une lutte acharnée entre les partisans nationalistes anticommunistes des mouvement Quốc Dân Đảng (QDD) – Ðồng Minh Hội (DMH) et ceux du Viêt-Minh/PCI pour le pouvoir. Bénéficiant de la présence massive des Chinois au nord du 16e Parallèle jusqu’en juin 1946, les nationalistes révolutionnaires obligèrent le Viêt-Minh à former un gouvernement provisoire d’Union nationale en janvier 1946 puis un gouvernement d’Union et de résistance à partir de mars 1946. Mais à Hanoi, avec les Accords du 6 mars qui entérinèrent le retour militaire de la France, la partie était d’ores et déjà perdue. A partir de février 1946, Nguyễn Tường Bách créa, dirigea et organisa les Jeunesses Nationalistes (Quốc Gia Thanh Niên Đoàn) pour concurrencer l’organisation de jeunesse du Viêt-Minh (Đoàn Thanh niên Cứu Quốc).
Le Front QDĐ se replia dans ses zones de résistances à l’Ouest du delta du fleuve rouge à Vĩnh Yên, Yên Bái ou Chapa. La confrontation militaire avec les forces armées du gouvernement de la RDVN appuyées par La France fut inévitable. Nguyễn Tường Bách rejoignit la “Troisième zone de guerre” du Front nationaliste qu’il codirigea avec Vũ Hồng Khanh. Entre juin et novembre 1946, les partisans QDĐ, sans soutien, reculèrent jusqu’à la frontière chinoise avant de prendre le chemin de l’exil. Bách s’exila en Chine à partir d’août 1946 pour échapper à la répression Viêt-Minh comme bon nombre de partisans nationalistes. Il s’installa provisoirement à Kunming et se maria avec Hua Bao Lien, une sino-vietnamienne à la fin de cette année tumultueuse.
Son destin fut désormais lié à celui de l’histoire de la Chine, pays qu’il ne quitta que 40 décennies plus tard en 1988. Ses activités politiques se poursuivirent quelques années en Chine du Sud au Yunnan puis à Hong-Kong en 1947. Le VNQDĐ recomposé de 1947 n’adhèrait pas à la “solution Bảo Đại” dont il se méfiait. Les nationalistes étaient divisés : fallait-il soutenir cette initiative aux côtés des Français ou se maintenir dans une troisième voie minoritaire à la fois anticolonialiste et anticommuniste. La plupart d’entre eux qui avaient le mal du pays et bon gré mal gré décidèrent de rejoindre Hanoi entre 1948 et 1950. Le célèbre chef du VNQDĐ Vũ Hồng Khanh prit même la direction du Ministère de la Jeunesse et des Sports sous le gouvernement de Nguyễn Văn Tâm en 1952.
Nguyễn Tường Bách choisit une autre voie. Celle de l’exil sur le long terme. Il s’installa avec sa famille à Canton et y exerça la médecine jusqu’à sa retraite. Personne n’entendit plus parler de lui jusqu’en 1988 date à laquelle il rejoignit les États-Unis. Son frère Thạch Lam, tuberculeux, était parti très jeune en 1942, son autre frère Hoàng Đạo était décédé soudainement lors d’un voyage en train en 1948, son autre frère Nhất Linh s’était suicidé en 1963 à Saigon et sa soeur Nguyễn Thị Thế devait décéder en 1997 aux États-Unis. Un autre de ses frères, Nguyễn Tường Cẩm, avait été assassiné par le Viêt-Minh au Nord à l’âge de 44 ans. Il était donc le dernier de cette illustre famille de lettrés. Le nouvel environnement au Sud de la Californie le replongea dans la politique vietnamienne. Il avait conservé ses alliances et son fort attachement au VNQDĐ. Il reprit ses activités politiques au sein de cette organisation et rédigea des articles pour les revues du parti, par exemple dans le mensuel Dân Văn édité en Allemagne. Il s’investit dans l’organisation de plusieurs mouvements exilés défendant la démocratie et devint un des conseillers du mouvement Réseau des Droits de l’Homme au Viet Nam (Mang Luoi Nhan Quyen Viet Nam – Vietnam Human Rights Network) créé en novembre 1997 à Santa Ana en Californie.
L’œuvre littéraire de Nguyễn Tường Bách reflète son engagement des années 1945-46. Dans un roman fleuve intitulé Trên sông Hồng cuồn cuộn [Sur le Fleuve Rouge tourmenté] il décrivit l’atmosphère de lutte politique contre le colonialisme français et contre le communisme. Il publia trois mémoires qui constituent de véritables témoignages historiques de cette époque décisive qui vit l’avènement de la guerre civile au Viêt-Nam. Le premier texte intitulé Việt Nam những ngàylịch sử [Viêt-Nam, des jours historiques] fut publié à Montréal en 1981 par les éditions “Nghiên-cứu sử-địa Việt-Nam”, dirigées par l’historien Nguyễn Khắc Ngữ. Dix ans plus tard, il publia ses mémoires en deux tomes. Le premier volume couvre la période de 1916 à 1946, le second ses années d’exil en Chine (1946-1988) et aux États-Unis (1988-2000). Il fut témoin des grands bouleversements du siècle chinois : Révolution culturelle puis fin du maoïsme triomphant.
Installé aux États-Unis en 1988, il considérait que la lutte pour un Viêt-Nam débarrassé du régime communiste n’était pas achevée. Il mit toutes ses forces pour poursuivre ce combat sans jamais entrer dans les complications politiques de la communauté exilée aux États-Unis. Nous l’avions interviewé au téléphone en 1998 pour notre recherche sur les partis Đại Việt. Très abordable et sans langue de bois, il connaissait parfaitement les faiblesses du mouvement nationaliste de 1945-1946 pour l’avoir vécu de l’intérieur. Militant du VNQDĐ jusqu’à sa mort, Nguyễn Tường Bách laisse en héritage un itinéraire précieux et fondamental pour mieux saisir les enjeux politiques, sociaux ou culturels du Viêt-Nam contemporain.
* Ne pas confondre avec son homonyme né à Huê en 1948 et spécialiste du bouddhisme.
François Guillemot, 30-09-2013.
Pour en savoir plus :
Lire la page hommage du magazine littéraire Co Thom
Le 24 mars marque le jour de la disparition du grand lettré Phan Chau Trinh (ou Phan Chu Trinh) à Saigon il y a 87 ans (24 mars 1926). Lettré moderniste, anticolonialiste, nationaliste réformateur, il fut l’infatigable partisan d’une solution pacifique pour accéder à l’indépendance.
Il naquit dans la commune de Tây Lộc (district de Tiên Phước, préfecture de Tam Kỳ) de la province de Quảng Nam en 1872. Issu d’une famille relativement aisée, son père, enseignant d’arts martiaux, participa activement au mouvement insurrectionnel d’Aide au Roi (Cần Vương). Mais cet engagement lui coûta la vie lorsqu’ il fut suspecté de trahison en 1887. Sa mère étant décédée quelques années auparavant, Phan Chau Trinh se retrouva orphelin. Il étudia pendant quatre ans en milieu familial soutenu par son frère ainé avant d’obtenir en 1900 le grade de Licencié (Cử Nhân) du concours provincial puis le grade de Vice-docteur (Phó Bảng) l’année suivante. En 1903, il fut nommé secrétaire au Ministère des Rites.
De 1902 à 1905, il étudia les œuvres de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu ou Voltaire et le “nouveau savoir” (tânhọc) dont il s’imprégna pour fonder sa propre pensée politique visant à élever la conscience du peuple dans un contexte colonial. Afin de mieux maîtriser la condition de ses compatriotes, il organisa avec d’autres lettrés (notamment Trần Quý Cáp et Huỳnh Thúc Kháng) un périple dans le Sud du pays puis dans le Nord jusqu’à Hanoi. Il partit ensuite clandestinement en Chine et il rencontra, en 1906, Phan Boi Chau à Hong-Kong. Puis les deux hommes se rendirent ensemble au Japon. C’est à ce moment qu’ils définirent leurs approches respectives pour accéder à l’indépendance : l’une préconisant la violence révolutionnaire, l’autre une évolution pacifique mais intransigeante. Phan Chau Trinh a déjà décidé à cette époque de s’écarter la voie violente aux vues de son expérience familiale dans le Cần Vương et de sa visite dans le maquis du révolutionnaire Hoang Hoa Tham avant son départ pour l’étranger. De retour dans son pays en 1907, il se fit remarquer politiquement par l’envoi d’une lettre de douze pages en caractères chinois (Đầu Pháp chính phủ thư) adressée au Gouverneur général de l’Indochine Paul Beau dans laquelle il exposa son programme de réforme profonde du système colonial. Il s’insurge contre la corruption du système, sa violence, son incapacité à améliorer le sort des masses. Sa lutte pour l’intelligence du Viêt-Nam est désormais engagée.
Il participa à l’aventure de l’Ecole de la Juste Cause (Đông Kinh Nghĩa Thục) à partir de juillet 1907 à Hanoi et soutint l’agitation anti-fiscale de 1908 dans le Centre du pays. Arrêté à Hanoi puis transféré à Huê, ce combat politique lui valut d’être condamné à mort par le régime colonial. Protégé par la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, il put échapper à une mort certaine mais fut déporté au bagne de Poulo-Condore au mois d’avril 1908. Au mois d’août 1910, il fut libéré du bagne grâce aux vives protestations de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme puis assigné à résidence à Mytho. A la suite d’une autorisation des autorités coloniales, il se rendit en France en 1911 avec son fils pour y enseigner. Arrivé à Paris, n’oubliant pas le sort de ses compatriotes emprisonnés à la suite de la révolte anti-fiscale de 1908, il rédigea une note (Trung Kỳ dân biến thủy mạt ký) pour la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme afin de plaider leur cause et fit connaître les conditions inhumaines du bagne de Poulo-Condore. Il continua de défendre la cause des prisonniers politiques de l’Indochine tout en rédigeant sa vision d’un Viêt-Nam post-colonial (Pháp-Việt liên hiệp hậu chi Tân Việt Nam).
Pour avoir refusé avec Phan Van Truong de servir la France en tant que soldat pendant la Première guerre mondiale, il fut emprisonné à la Santé de septembre 1914 à juillet 1915. Libéré, il organisa de nouveau le combat anticolonial au sein du groupe parisien dit des “Cinq Dragons” (Nguyen An Ninh, Nguyen Tat Thanh Nguyen The Truyen, Phan Van Truong et Phan Chau Trinh) connu pour avoir porté les “Revendications du peuple annamite” le 19 juin 1919 au Congrès de Versailles sous le nom collectif de Nguyen Ai Quoc. Il fit de nouveau entendre sa voix lors de la venue en France de l’empereur Khai Dinh en 1922 pour lequel il rédigea une lettre (Thất Điều Trần) appelant à la fin de la royauté et chargeant la dynastie de sept fautes majeures. Il rédigea quelques années plus tard un essai de politique indochinoise (Đông Dương chính trị luận).
Ses appels et revendications ne furent guère entendus. Lassé et de santé fragile, il fut autorisé à revenir au Viêt-Nam en 1925. De retour dans son pays, il poursuivit, avec d’autres comme le jeune Nguyen An Ninh, sa lutte pour une réforme républicaine. Il milita en particulier pour l’amnistie de Phan Bội Châu, le père du nationalisme révolutionnaire, et redigea d’autres textes qui exercèrent une influence sur la jeune génération de révolutionnaires (Ðạo đức và luân lý Đông Tây, Quân trị chủ nghĩa và dân trị chủ nghĩa). Malade et épuisé, il devait décéder le 24 mars 1926 le jour de l’arrestation de Nguyen An Ninh et Dejean de la Bâtie (La Cloche Fêlée). Son enterrement donna lieu à d’importantes manifestations populaires dans tout le pays. Des centaines de milliers de jeunes y participèrent sonnant le départ du printemps de 1926, illustré par une série de grèves scolaires sans précédent à Saigon, Huê et Hanoi.
Auteur de nombreux écrits politiques, formant ce qu’on appelle désormais la “pensée Phan Chau Trinh”, il est considéré comme le père de l’idéal démocratique. Traduit en langue anglaise en 2009 par le chercheur Vinh Sinh, ses principaux textes donnent à voir la modernité de sa démarche pacifique. Il incarne cette lutte de longue haleine pour l’intelligence de son peuple et s’inscrit dans une perspective qui démontre l’intelligence de sa lutte dans un contexte colonial particulièrement répressif. En 2007, une Fondation culturelle portant son nom fut créée dans “le but de mobiliser les ressources intellectuelles et matérielles pour une renaissance culturelle du pays, contribuant aussi à sa modernisation” (Vietnam+, 26/03/2013). Pour de nombreux Vietnamiens d’aujourd’hui, la problématique de Phan Chau Trinh consistant à vouloir élever le niveau intellectuel dans une évolution non violente pour accéder à l’indépendance politique et à la liberté des citoyens et de leurs droits est d’une criante actualité.