« Le Vietnam par les textes des sciences sociales » – Séminaire M1/M2 — Université Paris Diderot

[ndlr] Annonce du programme du séminaire de recherche sur le Viêt-Nam dirigé par Marie Gibert-Flutre.

Présentation de l’enseignement

Cet enseignement offre un panorama des enjeux de la recherche contemporaine en sciences sociales du Vietnam, à partir d’une initiation à la lecture de textes scientifiques récents (articles, chapitres d’ouvrages collectifs, communications de conférences) dans une perspective pluridisciplinaire et internationale. Les textes du corpus couvrent l’ensemble des domaines des sciences sociales (anthropologie, géographie, sciences politiques, media studies, économie…) et sont rédigés en langues française et anglaise, plus ponctuellement en vietnamien.

Cet enseignement est conçu comme une initiation à la méthode de recherche par l’analyse de ses productions : les textes des sciences sociales. Il permet aux étudiants de Master de se familiariser avec l’écriture scientifique et de situer leur premier travail de recherche dans le champ des études vietnamiennes contemporaines, mais aussi de les guider méthodologiquement dans leur travail bibliographique.

Le corpus comprenant l’ensemble des textes du semestre est rendu accessible sur le Moodle du cours dès le début du semestre. Les étudiants sont invités à lire à l’avance au moins l’un des deux textes proposés pour chaque séance, afin de participer pleinement à l’analyse et aux débats qui seront menés en classe.

(Ce cours est ouvert en enseignement d’ouverture à des non-vietnamophones).

le jeudi soir de 17h30 à 19h

(12 séances entre le 21 septembre et le 14 décembre 2017)

Contact : marie.gibert@univ-paris-diderot.fr

Programme ci-dessous

 

Lien-Hang Nguyen : North Vietnam Had an Antiwar Movement, Too [Aug. 25, 2017]

[ndlr] Dans la série Vietnam ’67 du New York Times, un article de l’historienne Lien-Hang Nguyen sur la dissidence en RDVN pendant la guerre.

When we think back to the signal events of the antiwar movement in 1967, we recall the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s powerful April 4 speech denouncing the war, the thousands of returned registration cards during the “Stop the Draft” week, and the March on the Pentagon that brought record numbers of demonstrators to the nation’s capital.

That year also witnessed global protests condemning the war, as demonstrations in European capitals and the International War Crimes Tribunal issued powerful rebukes against American intervention in Southeast Asia. News coverage of the war also shifted that year, including the first call by The New York Times for a halt to the bombing and the initiation of peace talks.

Less well known, but just as significant, was the antiwar “movement” in North Vietnam. Less a movement than a heterogenous array of voices, it included a wide swath of North Vietnamese society, within the government and among the general public.

Some had never wanted to go to war to liberate the South in the first place, and had sought instead to build the North and reunify the country through political means. Educated in the Soviet Union, some of these individuals even occupied prominent positions in the Vietnamese Communist Party. By 1967, these officials were calling on their government to begin negotiations to put an end to the devastating war. When one such party member, Hoang Minh Chinh, disseminated his political views in an essay he called “Dogmatism in Vietnam,” he became the ruling clique’s No. 1 enemy.

Lire la suite : New York Times

Lien-Hang Nguyen is a professor of history at Columbia and the author of the forthcoming “Tet 1968: The Battles That Changed the Vietnam War and the Global Cold War.”

Image « à la une » : The North Vietnamese Communist Party leader Le Duan strengthened the “counter counterrevolutionary” campaign to quell dissent against the war. © Nehon Denpa News/Associated Press

Carie Uyen Nguyen : Whose War Was It? [Aug. 18, 2017]

[ndlr] Poursuite des publications du New York Times sur la guerre du Viêt-Nam dans la série Vietnam ’67 (Historians, veterans and journalists recall 1967 in Vietnam, a year that changed the war and changed America).

Perhaps no one came out of the Vietnam War with a reputation as tarnished as the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. Since well before the war ended, ARVN soldiers were made an easy and ready scapegoat for America’s losses, a stereotype that found its way into academia and popular culture. We’re told they were incompetent cowards who often shirked their duties, leaving the hard work to the Americans.

As a Vietnamese student at an American university with an extensive archive of Vietnam-era oral histories, both written and tape-recorded, I’ve had a unique opportunity to dig deeper, to find all the ways that this story is flimsy and unfair. Unique because it’s not about showing that American soldiers were wrong — rather, I’ve come across account after account from American veterans talking about the courage and effectiveness of their allied brothers, the South Vietnamese soldiers.

Of course, I’ve come across many Americans with negative attitudes about ARVN. But a lot of them were rear-area personnel, people who never fought alongside ARVN and, I imagine, drew inaccurate conclusions from secondhand accounts they’d hear on base. Other negative accounts focused more on cultural differences than anything else. More than one talked about ARVN soldiers’ penchant for walking hand in hand as they headed out to battle. An American radio specialist who served in Binh Duong in 1967 could not understand it, even many years later: “That was kind of strange to us. I don’t think it was any more than they were just good friends, and that’s what they did over there, but it just seemed kind of strange.”

Other American veterans found it strange that the families of ARVN soldiers would often follow them to camp. As one G.I. contemplated: “So these troops were largely draftees. They went into the field with their wives and kids along with them in trail. When they set up the night defensive position, it was like the extended family was there. They did not want to go out and fight in many cases. They just wanted to survive and take care of their families.”

But in my research, the Americans’ critical assessments are easily matched, and then some, by sympathetic, positive accounts of ARVN. For example, many veterans actually liked having ARVN families nearby and praised the willingness of some wives to risk their lives to get fresh produce from nearby villages to cook hearty meals for their husbands and American soldiers. Others recognized that having family members nearby could be a solid source of moral support for ARVN soldiers, a reminder of what they were fighting for.

Lire la suite : New York Times

Carie Uyen Nguyen is a doctoral student in military history at Texas Tech University.

Image « à la une » : Marines of E Company, Second Battalion, with soldiers of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) during a break from patrolling near Da Nang in 1965. © U.S. Marine Corps, via Getty Images

Vers une nouvelle approche du passé contemporain vietnamien ?

[ndlr] Signalement de deux nouvelles approches du passé récent vietnamien dans le volume 15 d’une histoire globale du Viêt-Nam des origines à l’an 2000 (plus de 10.000 pages) dirigée par l’Institut d’Histoire.

  • La guerre sino-vietnamienne de 1979 bénéficie de plus de place dans l’histoire officielle et prend désormais l’appellation de « guerre d’invasion » (chiến tranh xâm lược) ;
  • Les États non communistes respectivement État du Viêt-Nam (Quốc gia Việt Nam, 1948-1955) et République du Viêt-Nam (Việt Nam cộng hòa, 1955-1975) ne sont plus qualifiés de « pouvoir fantoche » (ngụy quyền), d’armée fantoche (ngụy quân) », termes discriminants récurrents dans de nombreux ouvrages édités en RSVN. Les appellations autorisées sont  « régime de Saigon » (chính quyền Sài Gòn), « armée de Saigon » (quân đội Sài Gòn) et plus généralement les appellations officielles de ces deux États.

Ce changement d’appréciation qui peut paraître anodin a pourtant deux avantages selon l’historien Le Trung Tinh : atténuer les blessures vietnamiennes après la guerre et avoir un impact positif dans la reconnaissance sur le plan international des revendications vietnamiennes sur les Paracels et les Spratleys.

Pourtant, les organes de presse tenus par l’Armée et le Parti n’ont pas mis un arrêt à l’utilisation de l’ancienne terminologie « ngụy quân, ngụy quyền » dans les articles consacrés à la guerre de réunification du pays. Il faudra sans doute du temps pour déshabituer les auteurs de cette pratique discriminatoire pour bien des familles. Nommer l’ennemi dans les situations de guerre civile ou de guerres coloniales est souvent une affaire délicate qui peut prendre des décennies (en France nous avons les exemples de l’État français de Vichy et de la guerre d’Algérie). Plus de quarante ans après le conflit, une partie influente au sein du Parti communiste vietnamien soutient la politique de réconciliation, considérant qu’elle est une des clés du développement du pays.

Ce premier pas vers une meilleure considération du passé est un signe positif. Un geste politique officiel du Politburo vietnamien se fait désormais attendre…

FG, MàJ 24/08/2017

Việc từ bỏ cách gọi « ngụy quân », « ngụy quyền » và công nhận Việt Nam cộng hòa như một chính quyền độc lập là một bước tiến quan trọng trong việc hàn gắn những vết thương của người Việt sau chiến tranh.

Mặt khác điều này có những tác động tích cực đối với việc giải quyết tranh chấp trên Biển Đông, cụ thể là hai quần đảo Hoàng Sa, Trường Sa bằng công pháp quốc tế.

TS Lê Trung Tĩnh

Voir les articles :

Lê Trung Tĩnh, « Thừa nhận Việt Nam cộng hòa là bước tiến quan trọng », Tuổi Trẻ, 20/08/2017. TTO – “Việt Nam cộng hòa và trước đó là Quốc gia Việt Nam là một thực thể chính trị mà Hiệp định Genève 1954 có nhiều nước trong đó Trung Quốc và Việt Nam dân chủ cộng hòa đã ký, công nhận ».

Lire la suite : Tuổi Trẻ

Hoàng Phương, « Chiến tranh xâm lược của Trung Quốc được đưa trong sách Lịch sử Việt Nam », VnExpress, 19/08/2017. Cuộc chiến tranh biên giới phía Bắc được nói đến nhiều hơn trong bộ sử đồ sộ mới công bố với tên gọi chiến tranh xâm lược.

Ngày 18/8, Viện Hàn lâm Khoa học Xã hội Việt Nam giới thiệu, phát hành các bộ sách trọng tâm về lịch sử, văn hoá, biển đảo. Đồ sộ và gây chú ý nhất là bộ Lịch sử Việt Nam bao quát nền lịch sử nước ta từ khởi thuỷ đến năm 2000 do Viện Sử học Việt Nam biên soạn, trên cơ sở Chương trình nghiên cứu trọng điểm cấp Bộ.

Chia sẻ với báo giới bên lề buổi giới thiệu, PGS TS Trần Đức Cường, nguyên Viện trưởng Viện Sử học, Chủ tịch Hội khoa học lịch sử Việt Nam, tổng chủ biên bộ sách chia sẻ đây là tâm huyết của nhiều thế hệ cán bộ sử học. Hơn 30 nhà nghiên cứu sử học mất 9 năm để biên soạn bộ sử 15 tập, dày gần 10.000 trang này.

Lire la suite : VnExpress

Lire l’analyse du journaliste indépendant Pham Chi Dung :

Image « à la une » : sortie officielle de la collection de l’Histoire du Viêt-Nam en 15 volumes publiée par les éditions des Sciences sociales (Nhà xuất bản Khoa học Xã hội ) © 2017 H. P.

Report of the second annual civil society conference in 2017 [document en ligne]

{ndlr] Publication en ligne du rapport annuel sur la société civile vietnamienne.


Dear colleagues and friends,
PPWG would like to share the report of the second annual civil society conference, organized in 2017. The report was developed based on combination of all ideas and opinions at the conference. We want to express our sincere thanks to all participants for their open-minded contribution and listening. Full report in English can be downloaded at: 

http://ppwgvietnam.info/ Content/Home/Documents/second- annual-civil-society- conference-report.pdf

PPWG